Throughout his career, Du Bois believed it was important to find and showcase the accomplishments of other Blacks like him-though, of course, there really was no one, of any race, quite like him. He was a walking refutation of the concept of Black inferiority. He wrote dozens of articles and books, and edited magazines. becoming one of the founders of a new field, sociology and in 1909 helping to start a new organization, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. He went from one scholarly and professional triumph to another-graduating from Fisk University, the University of Berlin, and Harvard University, where he was the first Black person to earn a Ph.D. In the decades that followed his Great Barrington youth, Du Bois won many of the privileges and honors that the world had seemed to reserve for whites. Whatever innate competitiveness he possessed was sharpened and directed by the experience of being treated as different and, on some occasions, as inferior. That sky was bluest when I could beat my mates at examination-time, or beat them at a foot-race, or even beat their stringy heads.Īs he grew older and took note of the “dazzling opportunities” placed before white people, Du Bois decided that he would “wrest” some of those prizes from them. I had thereafter no desire to tear down that veil, to creep through I held all beyond it in common contempt, and lived above it in a region of blue sky and great wandering shadows. Then it dawned upon me with a certain suddenness that I was different from the others or like, mayhap, in heart and life and longing, but shut out from their world by a vast veil. The exchange was merry, till one girl, a tall newcomer, refused my card,-refused it peremptorily, with a glance. In a wee wooden schoolhouse, something put it into the boys’ and girls’ heads to buy gorgeous visiting-cards-ten cents a package-and exchange. In his most acclaimed work, The Souls of Black Folk (1903), Du Bois described both the moment he discovered that he was on the vulnerable side of the racial divide and his response to that realization: His childhood in New England-Du Bois was born and raised in Great Barrington, Massachusetts-introduced him to the troubled racial dynamics of the United States and to a way of coping with them. The problems he encountered as a Black man were the problems of Black people the world over. Du Bois carried himself as if he were “the Negro race.” Throughout his very long life-ninety-five years-his personal successes and victories were the successes and victories of all African-Americans. This entails a critical shift from the current feminist theoretical preoccupation with the ‘transgressive potentiality’ of ‘encounters with the abject’ to a consideration of consequences of being abject within specific social and political locations.W.E.B. In place of the Kristevan model of the abject, it argues for a more thoroughly social and political account of abjection. It argues that employing a Kristevan abject paradigm risks reproducing, rather than challenging, histories of violent disgust towards maternal bodies. Whilst the abject has proved a compelling and productive concept for feminist theory, this article cautions against the repetition of the maternal (as) abject within theoretical writing. It focuses on the ways in which Anglo-American and Australian feminist theoretical accounts of maternal bodies and identities have utilized Julia Kristeva’s theory of abjection. Abstract This article is about the theoretical life of ‘the abject’.
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